Thesis (PhD) - Cyprus International University. Institute of Graduate Studies and Research International Relations

Based on an original survey (n=1,017), it examines citizens’ political participation
patterns and dynamics in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), one of
the longest-standing de facto states. In addition to its de facto state status, as another
layer of complexity, since 1974 the TRNC has been receiving a constant flow of
immigrants from its patron state Turkey. To compare the natives and immigrants, the
sample is stratified into two almost equal sub-groups with stratified random sampling:
(a) Native Turkish Cypriots (520 respondents) and (b) immigrants (497 respondents).
The dissertation employs established theories of political participation to look into the
dynamics of Turkish Cypriot electorates’ political participation to test their validity in
a de facto state setting, each empirical chapter focusing on different theoretical
approaches.
The first empirical chapter focuses on the role of socioeconomic status, identity and
immigration background on political participation of the Turkish Cypriot electorate.
The analyses demonstrate that socioeconomic factors such as the level of income play
a prominent role, education rather having a limited effect, while, having an
immigration background does not make much difference in political participation,
except for volunteering and protesting. Furthermore, self-identification does not exert
any influence on political activities.
The second empirical chapter focuses on the role that membership in voluntary (civic)
associations and political attitudes play on political participation. The findings reveal
that individuals who are members of voluntary associations are more inclined towards
partaking political action, yet this is limited to political associations, not extending to
non-political (social/leisure) associations. Political interest and lower levels of societal
optimism about the future of the society appear as important predictors of political
action, whereas, as an interesting caveat, the internal efficacy being only associated
with voting.
The final empirical chapter looks into how people’s attitudes towards the political
system and institutions of the TRNC affect their political participation. It intends to
investigate whether there is a participatory disparity between those who are more
supportive of the political system, its institutions and political actors, and the more
“critical” or “discontented” citizens. The analyses have revealed that the level of
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diffuse support for the political system and its institutions bears no effect on political
participation, except for DNP, while lower support for political actors increases
volunteering and protesting. Besides, considering the system unresponsive to the
demands and concerns of the public appears to be a cause of refraining from
participating in political activities.